「中英」她认为自己的统治牢不可破，孟加拉人民证明并非如此

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s life, as well as her politics, had been defined by an early trauma at once personal in its pain and national in its imprint.

这种创伤既是个人的痛苦，也是国家的印记。

In 1975, her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Bangladesh’s charismatic founding leader, and most of their family were massacred in a military coup. Ms. Hasina, who was abroad at the time, was forced into exile in India.

那是1975年,她的父亲、富有魅力的孟加拉国开国领袖谢赫·穆吉布·拉赫曼和大部分家人在一场军事政变中遇害。当时身在国外的哈西娜被迫流亡印度。

Her eventual return and elevation to prime minister embodied Bangladesh’s hopes of a better, more democratic future. She was celebrated as a secular Muslim woman who tried to rein in a coup-prone military, stood up to Islamist militancy and reformed the impoverished country’s economy.

更民主未来的希望。她试图控制动辄发动并在这个贫穷国家推动经济改革，作为一名世俗的穆斯林女性得到赞颂。

But in time, she changed. She grew more authoritarian, crushing dissent and exuding an entitlement that treated Bangladesh as her rightful inheritance. Then, on Monday, the years of repressive rule finally caught up with Ms. Hasina, and her story came full circle: She resigned under intense pressure from a vast protest movement and fled once again into exile.

然而，随着时间的推移，仿佛孟加拉国就理所应当由她来继承。然后，在周一，多年的专制统治终于故事又回到了原点：她在一场声势浩大的抗议运动的强大压力下辞职，并再次流亡国外。

Student-led protesters enraged at her deadly crackdown on their initially peaceful movement stormed her official residence and plundered nearly everything inside. They defaced her portraits and tore down statues of her father around the city, and attacked the homes and offices of her party officials.

激怒了学生领导的抗议者，他们冲进她的官邸，将里面洗劫一空。他们毁坏她的肖像，拆毁她父亲在城中各处的塑像，并袭击了她所在政党的官员的住所和办公室。

Ms. Hasina’s hasty exit comes just months after she had secured a fourth consecutive five-year term in office and thought her grip on power was unbreakable. In her wake she leaves a Bangladesh plunged back into the chaos and violence that have marked the country from the beginning, when her father helped bring the nation into being.

就在哈西娜仓促下台的数月前，她连续第四次获得了五年任期，并认为自己对权力的控制牢不可破。在她走后，孟加拉国再次陷入了她父亲建国之初时常出现的混乱和暴力。

Beyond the immediate jubilation among the protesters over her departure are more worrying questions.

但他们需要面对的还有更为令人担忧的问题。

For now, this country of 170 million appears leaderless. Law enforcement agencies that killed at least 300 protesters have been discredited. The animosities between Ms. Hasina’s party and the opposition are unlikely to fade soon, and revenge for years of harsh suppression under her will be on the minds of many. There is also fear that a streak of Islamist militancy in Bangladesh society could resurface in the political vacuum.

目前，这个拥有1.7亿人口的国家似乎处于没有领导人的状态。造成至少300名抗议者死亡的执法机构已经名声扫地。哈西娜的政党与反对党之间的敌的念头人担心孟加拉社会的伊斯兰极端主义可能会在政治真空中重现。

“We are finally free of a dictatorial regime,” said Shahdeen Malik, a prominent constitutional lawyer and legal activist in Dhaka, the capital. “Earlier, we had military dictators. But this civilian dictator was more dictatorial than previous military dictators.”

“孟加拉国首都达卡的著名宪法律师、法律活动人士沙赫丁·马利克说。“之前，我们有过军事独裁者。但这位文职独裁者比以前的军事独裁者更为独裁。”

Mr. Malik said that Ms. Hasina, during an initial term as prime minister in the late 1990s, was a breath of fresh air. Bangladesh’s politics had been marked by coups, counter-coups and assassinations. Ms. Hasina was democratic, and her party was trying to act with more accountability.

孟加拉国的政坛充斥着政变、反政变和暗杀。哈西娜是民主党人，她所在的政党试图以更负责任的态度行事。

But after her return to power in 2009 — following electoral defeat, exile and an attempt on her life that left more than 20 dead — she appeared driven by darker instincts. In her opponents she saw an extension of the forces that had caused her lasting trauma.

但在2009年重新掌权后——经历了选举失败、流亡和导致20多人死亡的行刺未遂——她似乎受到了黑暗本能的驱使。在她的反对者身上,她看到了给自己造成持久创伤的力量的延伸。

She embarked on a mission to shape Bangladesh in the vision of her father, who had been accused before his assassination of trying to turn the country into a one-party state. Ms. Hasina cast seemingly everything in that light, in that vocabulary, as if the country had never gotten over those long-ago days.

他因想在这个国家实施一党专制受到指责。哈用它的话语来阐述，仿佛这个国家一直停留在那段很久之前的日子里。

Her father’s image was everywhere. She lauded her supporters as the inheritors of the legacy of the country’s liberation from Pakistan — when Bangladesh gained independence — and demonized her opponents as traitors from that old war.

在孟加拉国，她父亲的形象随处可见。她称赞自己的支持者是孟加拉国从巴基斯坦获得解放这一政治遗产的继承者，对自己的反对者则进行妖魔化，指责他们背叛了那场久远的战争。

“It is undeniable that she suffered almost the highest degree of trauma, the death of her entire family,” Mr. Malik said. “We have always felt that her personal trauma reflected in her political actions and activity.”

“Chinese:直认为，个人创伤的影响。”

In recent years, Ms. Hasina’s power relied on two pillars: a relentless crushing of the opposition to the point that it could not mobilize and an entrenching of an all-encompassing patronage network that would protect her to protect her own interests in turn.

近年来，哈西娜的权力依赖于两大支柱：一是无情镇压反对派，使其无法动员起来；二是确进而换取自身利益。

When asked about her tactics, she would reply that the political opposition had in the past done worse even to her, and public sympathy for her traditional opponents remained limited. But what was clear was that the true test of her power would come over a bread-and-butter issue beyond power politics.

政治反对派在过去对她更为恶劣，而且公众对她的传统对手也没有多少同情。但显而易见的是，对她权力的真正考验是权力政治之外的民生问题。

Last year, ahead of the election, the opposition showed some signs of regrouping around the stagnant economy. Ms. Hasina’s image as the architect of the country’s economic transformation had long dissolved, as its overreliance on the garment industry became clear and inequality deepened. Food prices were shooting up, and the country’s foreign reserves were dwindling to a dangerous low.

去年大选之前，反对派展现出了在围绕停滞不前的经济重新组织自身力量的迹象。哈西娜作为国家经济转型设计师的形象早已不复且不平等现象越来越严重。食品价格飙升，外汇储备减少到危险的程度。

But her government had enough money to scrape by, and she turned to China and India diplomatically and economically as friends in time of need. She used her control over the security forces to break the opposition’s momentum, bogging her opponents down in dozens, and sometimes hundreds, of court cases in front of judges beholden to her.

然而，她的政府仍有足够的资金维持运转，她就向中国和印度寻求济支持。她利用自己对案子的法官都曾受惠于她。

The student protest that began last month was over a seemingly small issue: a quota system that gave preferential treatment in government jobs. But the anger was a manifestation of the wider economic stress.

上月开始的学生抗议所针对的是一个看似微不足道的问题：政府工作岗位的优待配额制度。但这种愤怒是更广泛的经济压力的表现。

In response to the demonstrations, Ms. Hasina, 76, turned to the repressive playbook that had thwarted all previous challenges. This time, though, it would lead to her downfall.

以往遇到的每一次发难，她都是这样化解的。不次，这下台。

At first, she dismissed the students, describing them as the descendants of those who had betrayed Bangladesh in the war of independence that her father had won. When that angered the students, she resorted to a crackdown.

起初，她对这些学生不以为然，称他们的祖辈就是在她父亲赢得的独立战争中背叛了孟加拉于是她诉诸于镇压。

She sent her party’s aggressive youth wing to target what had been peaceful protesters. When clashes broke out, she felt more force into the streets — the police, the army and even the Rapid Action Battalion, an antiterrorism unit that has been accused of torture and disappearances.

她派出其政党下属的一个作风凶狠的青年组织来攻击曾经和平的抗议者。当冲突爆发时，她向街头派遣了更多武力——失踪事件的反恐部队——快速行动营。

Her situation turned precarious once the streets turned to carnage late in July, with more than 200 people, most of them students and other young people, killed. She deepened the crackdown — declaring a curse, cutting off the internet, rounding up 10,000 people into jails and accusing tens of millions more of crimes. The protest movement appeared dispersed.

7 years ago，其中大多数是学生和其他年轻人，得岌岌可危。她加强了镇压——宣布宵禁，切断互联网，将1万人关进监狱，并对数万人发起检控。抗议活动似乎被驱散了。

“Ultimately, of course people will be silenced if this goes on forever,” Naomi Hossain, a scholar of Bangladesh at the School of Oriental and African Studies, said as the crackdown intensified. “How long can you keep protesting when your friends are being gunned down? But the cost may be so high that, you know, all support” for Ms. Hasina is lost.

“如果这种情况永远持续下去，最终人们当然会噤声，”者内奥米·侯赛因在镇压力度加大时说。“如果你的朋友被枪杀，那你还能抗议多久？但你知道，这样做也可能会付出高昂的代价，”以至于哈西娜会失去“所有支持”。

When the curfew and the communications blackout eased, it quickly became clear that the protest movement had not been snuffed out and that it had expanded to seeking accountability for the earlier bloodshed.

当宵禁和通讯封锁放松后，抗议活动并没有被扑灭，而是扩大到就早些时候的流血事件追究责任。

On Sunday, the protesters gathered in their largest numbers yet. When Ms. Hasina responded once again with force, and nearly 100 people were killed in the deadliest single day of the protests, it became clear that the fear she had long engendered had been broken.

周日，抗议者聚集在一起，人数达到了有史以来的最高水平。哈西娜再次以武力回应，近100人中丧生被打破。

When the protesters on Sunday called for a march on her residence the next day, her response seemed defiant — she called on the nation “to curb anarchists with iron hands.”

周日，当抗议者呼吁周一在她的住所举行游行时，她的回应像是挑衅——她呼吁国家“用铁腕镇压无政府主义者”。

In the early hours of Monday, the roads leading to her residence in Dhaka were heavily barricaded. The internet was shut down and public transport halted. The security forces tried to hold back the large crowds at the city gates.

通往她在达卡住所的道路被重重封锁，互联网被关闭，公共交通停运。安全部队试图把大批人群挡在城门外。

But by midday, it became apparent that those tactics were meant only to buy time for what was happening behind the scenes. Ms. Hasina had resigned and was leaving the country, and the army chief was in consultations with the political parties over an interim government.

但到了中午，事态变得很明显。哈西娜已经辞职并准备离开该国，陆军行磋商。

Grainy cellphone videos showed Ms. Hasina getting out of a black SUV at a military air base, where a helicopter was waiting. She departed for India, where she is expected to stay before moving on to another destination, most likely London.

模糊的手机视频显示，中走出来，一架直升机在那里等预计将在那里停留一段时间，然后前往另一个目的地，很有可能是伦敦。

The army chief, Gen. Waker-uz-Zaman, addressed the nation, announcing the end of its rule. He promised “justice for all the murders and wrongdoings.”

他承诺“为所有的谋杀和不法行为伸张正义”。

For the protesters, jubilation was immediate. They poured into the streets and stormed her residence — to take selfies and memories. One protester walked away with a plant, another some chickens and yet another a single plate. One had a giant fish from the prime ministerial pond.

冲进她的住所，自拍留念、拿走纪念品。者带走了一株植物，一人带走了几只鸡，还有一人带走了一个盘子。一名抗议者从总理府池塘里捞走一条大鱼。

But signs of lingerie anger were evident as night fell. Protesters pulled down statues of Ms. Hasina’s father, set fire to the museum erected in his name (at the house where he had been assassinated) and attacked the homes of her ministers and party officials. There were also reports of attacks against the homes and places of worship of minority Hindus, raising fears that the Islamist elements she had contained might be emboldened.

放火烧了以他的名字建立的博物馆（位于他被暗杀时的住所）－娜的部长和党内官员的住所。也有报道称，作为少数群体的印度教徒的住宅和礼拜场所遭到袭击，这让人们担会更加大胆。

“It will not be enough for Sheikh Hasina to flee,” Nahid Islam, one of the student protest leaders, who was detained twice during the crackdown and tortured, said after the prime minister fled. “We will bring her to justice.”

“他在镇压行动中曾两次被拘留并遭受酷刑。“我们会将她绳之以法。”