The government should focus on urgent issues

Fri Nov 1 2024 08:00 Last update: Fri Nov 1 2024 08:00

One of the problems in Bangladesh that needs urgent solution is the prices of daily necessities. FILE PHOTO: STAR

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One of the problems in Bangladesh that needs urgent solution is the prices of daily necessities. FILE PHOTO: STAR

It has been almost three months since the interim government took office. During this period, it has taken a number of notable steps, including the formation of several committees to initiate the reform process of key sectors and the suspension of the compensation law in the energy sector – steps that are largely considered positive. However, there are many more tasks that need to be prioritized. Surprisingly, to this day there is no official list of the dead and wounded of the July uprising. The student-led protests developed into a broader popular movement, involving citizens from all walks of life. The participation of the working class was particularly important. Many of the victims belong to the working population. Many of the injured are now struggling to continue their medical treatment. They expected support from the state. Action should have been taken sooner in this area.

There seems to be a tendency to overlook the central role of the workers during the uprising because their demands have not received the attention they deserve. For example after the 18 points agreement it was clearly stipulated among employers, garment workers and the government that all arrears of wages would be paid. But many factories have not kept this promise; some factories even closed without warning. When employees raise their concerns and demand their money, they are often met with violent responses, such as shootings, that lead to casualties. A 25 year old female RMG employeewho had joined the ongoing protest demanding payment of wages pending for several months, was recently shot and later died from her injuries. Even yesterday, two garment workers were shot during a violent clash with law enforcement forces in Mirpur area of Dhaka. It is disheartening to see that while every student-led mobilization receives some sympathy from the government, workers are met with violence when they demand their rights. It is hoped that the government will take adequate measures to address these concerns.

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Meanwhile, political complexities appear to have shifted the current government’s attention elsewhere. One of those issues concerns recent statements by the president. A clear response to his comments could have been the publication of Sheikh Hasina’s resignation letter. If this is not feasible, a solution must be sought through dialogue with political parties. Some state organizations have also made demands and raised claims, indicating that internal contradictions may arise. Rather than allowing instability to arise from these contradictions, the government should quickly engage with political parties and take decisive action by consensus.

While those members of the BCL who engaged in criminal activities should undoubtedly be brought to justice, it is also crucial to hold accountable those from the previous regime who empowered the BCL for their own benefit. However, the current process of prosecuting individuals associated with the previous regime is not transparent. Cases are filed in which the main culprits are not precisely identified, leading to the possibility that the actual offenders may escape justice or the severity of the charges may decrease.

One of those quick decisions was the recent ban at the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), student wing of the Awami League. This ban was a demand of the anti-discrimination student movement, which called for the dissolution of BCL. Often seen as a militant wing of the Awami League, BCL gained a reputation for its involvement in criminal activities: extortion, tender manipulation, intimidation of university students and even operating dormitory torture cells. The organization’s presence in many communities became synonymous with oppression and served the Awami League’s interests in retaining power, and this image was deliberately cultivated by the Awami League government.

While those members of the BCL who engaged in criminal activities should undoubtedly be brought to justice, it is also crucial to hold accountable those from the previous regime who empowered the BCL for their own benefit. However, the current process of prosecuting individuals associated with the previous regime is not transparent. Cases are filed in which the main culprits are not precisely identified, leading to the possibility that the actual offenders may escape justice or the seriousness of the charges may decrease. This approach raises questions about the credibility of the judicial process.

The decision to ban a political entity could also prove self-defeating. Banning a political group does not eliminate its ideology. Although the organization may no longer be legally active, its ideas and activities may continue underground, with the potential for a revival. For example, during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, Jamaat-e-Islami was not officially banned but faced similar restrictions in practice. But the ideology persisted, and today it has emerged even more strongly. So simply banning an organization does not mean eradicating its influence; instead, it obscures its true nature and may even arouse sympathy from the audience.

Politics in our public universities have also shown that whichever party comes to power, the student wing becomes dominant and oppressive and uses the university administration to achieve its goals. The government uses these student groups to exert control over campuses, as seen with Awami League’s BCL, BNP’s Chhatra Dal, Jamaat’s Islami Chhatra Shibir and Ershad-era Chhatra Samaj.

To prevent a return to authoritarianism or fascism, strengthening democratic processes is crucial. This includes promoting democratic dialogue, ensuring transparency and accountability in governance, and upholding the rule of law. When institutions are made functional and held accountable, and when exemplary punishments are imposed on offenders, the basis for authoritarianism weakens. Moreover, increasing public participation in governance can create a resilient barrier against any possible return of undemocratic forces.

If the government ignores the demands of the majority of the working class, or the calls for justice across social divides, and relies solely on coercion, it risks paving the way for authoritarianism. Heavy-handed tactics, threats and coercive laws only contribute to the resurgence of undemocratic practices. The main thrust of the uprising was to build a ‘discrimination-free new Bangladesh’, and to achieve this, the focus must shift to necessary reforms.

Lowering the price of essential goods and ensuring that they remain within the reach of ordinary people is of great importance at the moment. Scrapping anti-people agreements in sectors such as energy is essential to lay the foundation for this new vision for Bangladesh. It should not simply be about replacing one version of BCL with another. True transformation means breaking away from the trends that have been synonymous with oppression.

As told to Monorom Polok.

Anu Muhammad is a former professor of economics at Jahangirnagar University.

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author.

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