The Guardian’s take on the politics of joy: Democrats embrace the sunny side | Editorial

” T“Thank you for bringing back joy,” Tim Walz told Kamala Harris in his first speech after agreeing to be her running mate. He continued to invoke that emotion, describing himself and Ms. Harris as “joyful warriors” against opponents who “try to steal joy.” Donald Trump has criticized Ms. Harris’s easy laughter, but Democrats embrace an upbeat vibe of coconuts and brat memes while Republicans invoke American carnage.

Rarely have two presidential campaigns been so starkly contrasted. Asked by a reporter what made him happy, Mr. Trump’s running mate, J.D. Vance, retorted that he “smiles at a lot of things, including the media’s fake questions” and that he was “angry about what Kamala Harris has done to this country.” Mr. Trump—like other right-wing populists around the world—has channeled fear and rage with extraordinary effectiveness.

“Emotions and gut feelings are at the heart of political debate” in our time, writes Manos Tsakiris, director of the Centre for the Politics of Feelings at the University of London. Voters are less rational and more emotional than we think. Emotions can also have different effects on different parts of society. American research suggests that dissatisfaction with politicians is more likely to prompt white voters to vote and minority voters to turn to other forms of activism.

In the past, Democrats have tried to counter lies and hate with facts. While fear of Mr. Trump motivated voters in 2020, warnings of his return have not been as effective. People can be indifferent or passive in the face of threats like the climate crisis. (By contrast, deliberative democracy—like citizen assemblies or community activism—can generate a sense of political agency and re-engage them.) Giving people something to fight for, not just against, can be effective. But there is more research on how emotions like anger affect politics than there is on emotions like hope.

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva beat Jair Bolsonaro’s gloomy vision for Brazil in 2022 by bringing hope, and Rahul Gandhi toured India with a message of love and solidarity, an appeal that cost Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi his parliamentary majority this year. In Britain, joy over the Liberal Democrats’ successful election campaign was overflowing. But critics of “cruel optimism” and “hopium” point out that invoking positive emotions can sometimes encourage people to feel good about bad policy choices. Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos won the Philippine presidency in 2022 with a feel-good social media campaign highlighting his family and his father’s dictatorship.

In the US, Ronald Reagan’s sunny “Morning in America” ad was applauded, but Hubert Humphrey’s “politics of joy” failed to win the Democrat the presidency. For Harris – like Humphrey, the vice-presidential hopeful – encouraging voters to rejoice when they are worried about bills could be counterproductive. Trump’s campaign, which has taken the opposite tack, appears to be moving toward an attack on his record.

Harris seems aware of the problem, tempering the enthusiasm by admitting that food prices are too high, for example. But if a recession hits, it will be even harder to get the tone right, and the policy will be even more urgent. Democrats are hoping for the best, but even in a short campaign, the vibes won’t carry them far.