Should we consider transitioning to a presidential system?

In science, insanity is often defined by repeating the same experiment over and over again, but expecting different results each time. Bangladesh’s political system fits this definition: it is fixated on an inefficient and old parliamentary structure and tries different variations without addressing its fundamental flaws. After decades of dysfunction, it is clear that the problem lies not just with politicians, but with the system itself. A transition to a modern presidential system could provide the country with the leadership and governance it desperately needs to ensure sustainable development and break the political death spiral it has suffered since independence.

Bangladesh’s political landscape has long been dominated by two dynastic factions – the Awami League and the BNP – that remain focused on preserving their legacy rather than addressing the needs of the people. Politics has become a medium for worshiping founders as near-demigods and sidelining new leaders with fresh ideas. It’s like driving through the country and looking into the rearview mirror of a car. The current parliamentary system locks out new talent, as any new challenger must field 300 parliamentary candidates and win a majority to gain power. This structural barrier ensures the maintenance of the status quo. There is nothing wrong with a leader with political heritage, but he must not be afraid of being directly elected by the majority of a country’s citizens.

Furthermore, in the parliamentary system, parliamentarians assume ministerial roles, creating a conflict of interest where those who write the laws also enforce them. This system promotes corruption and political patronage and weakens public trust.

During the colonial era, it was assumed that local citizens lacked the education and ability to collectively elect a national leader, justifying indirect governance structures. Today these assumptions are no longer valid. Bangladesh’s literacy rate is over 76 percent for both men and women, and access to internet-enabled devices has democratized knowledge. Citizens now have greater access to information than ever before and are able to evaluate leaders based on their policies and performance. A presidential system in which people directly elect the executive would respond to this reality and give voters the opportunity to select leaders based on competence and accountability.

We can also draw lessons from France’s transition from a parliamentary to a semi-presidential system under Charles de Gaulle in 1958, which eliminated political instability and enabled the executive to govern effectively. Likewise, Bangladesh needs a government structure that allows for stable leadership while maintaining the democratic separation of powers.

A presidential system would allow every individual, regardless of party affiliation, to run directly for the highest office, breaking the monopoly of old politics and creating space for new leadership and innovation. It would introduce competition for the country’s top job. It would also more effectively separate the legislative and executive branches, ensuring that Parliament focuses on lawmaking and oversight while the president governs with specialized technocrats. This structure would promote meritocracy, accountability and transparency, strengthen governance and promote real development.

Bangladesh has experimented with both parliamentary and presidential systems in search of a viable model of government. In 1972, after independence, the country introduced a parliamentary system based on the British model. However, the coalition politics she promoted soon led to instability. In 1975, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman introduced a presidential system in the country to consolidate executive power and stabilize governance. However, resistance to this change – particularly because it was based on a one-party system – led to discontent. And in 1991, Bangladesh returned to parliamentary democracy through a referendum after years of military rule. Although this was a step towards democracy, it failed to eliminate political infighting and the dominance of dynastic factions.

The same challenges still exist today and make it clear that the parliamentary system has reached its limits. A return to a presidential model offers a path to stability, accountability and progress.

We can also draw lessons from France’s transition from a parliamentary to a semi-presidential system under Charles de Gaulle in 1958, which eliminated political instability and enabled the executive to govern effectively. Likewise, Bangladesh needs a government structure that allows for stable leadership while maintaining the democratic separation of powers.

The interim government has a rare opportunity to transform the governance model either through judicial intervention or a national referendum. However, a referendum would give citizens ownership of the new system and lend legitimacy to the transition.

In order to protect democracy, future changes to the electoral law or the constitution should also require the consent of the population through referendums. This would prevent politically motivated changes and ensure that constitutional reforms remain accountable to the people. In addition, it should be enshrined in law that no elected office of political significance may be held for more than two consecutive terms in order to limit the concentration of power.

The recent student movement has shown that beyond the traditional political sphere dominated by the Awami League and the BNP, a new force is emerging – one that can reshape the direction of politics in the country. This movement showed that politics in Bangladesh is no longer controlled exclusively by established parties. An informal alliance formed during the uprising between the country’s students and migrant workers has become a powerful force capable of challenging the status quo and shaping the country’s future.

Given the momentum of students and migrant workers, now is the time for fundamental change in Bangladesh. The country is managed by Dr. Muhammad Yunus, a visionary economist who has empowered millions of women entrepreneurs through microfinance. Yunus’ leadership reflects a profound shift toward meritocracy, transparency and inclusive growth – values ​​that align perfectly with the goals of the recent uprising. More importantly, Yunus has global reach and support to deliver real political and economic reforms that Bangladesh needs to thrive as an economic superpower.

Javed Hosein is an entrepreneur in the energy sector of Bangladesh.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own.

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